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Alarm grows as Iraqi forces fail to stem violence

Civilians inspect the site of a parked car bomb attack near a popular restaurant in the Ur neighborhood in northern Baghdad, Iraq, Thursday, May 30, 2013. A series of morning bomb explosions in Baghdad and the northern Iraqi city of Mosul on Thursday, killed and wounded dozens of people, police said, in the latest eruption of violence rattling the country. (AP Photo/Khalid Mohammed)

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(AP) — Officials in Iraq are growing increasingly concerned over an unabated spike in violence that claimed at least another 33 lives on Thursday and is reviving fears of a return to widespread sectarian fighting.

Authorities announced plans to impose a sweeping ban on many cars across the Iraqi capital starting early Friday in an apparent effort to thwart car bombings, as the United Nations envoy to Iraq warned that “systemic violence is ready to explode.”

Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, meanwhile, was shown on state television visiting security checkpoints around Baghdad the previous night as part of a three-hour inspection tour, underscoring the government’s efforts to show it is acting to curtail the bloodshed.

Iraqi security forces are struggling to contain the country’s most relentless round of violence since the 2011 U.S. military withdrawal.

The rise in violence follows months of protests against the Shiite-led government by Iraq’s Sunni minority, many of whom feel they’ve been marginalized and unfairly treated since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion. Tensions escalated sharply last month after a deadly crackdown by security forces on a Sunni protest camp.

Sunni militants, including al-Qaida, have long targeted Iraq’s Shiite majority and government security forces. But Sunni mosques and other targets have also been struck over the past several weeks, raising the possibility that Shiite militias are also growing more active.

Several members of the security forces were killed in Thursday’s bombings. The attacks also included an assassination attempt by a suicide bomber targeting a provincial governor in the country’s Sunni-dominated west.

“These daily patterns of car bomb attacks … in Baghdad and some other cities (are) really unacceptable for the people of Iraq, who have suffered so much,” Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari said Thursday.

“It’s the government’s responsibility to redouble its efforts, to revise its security plans, to contain this wave, to prevent it from sliding into sectarian conflict and war,” he added. “That should not happen again.”

The spike in violence, which has gained momentum since the middle of the month, is raising worries that Iraq is heading back toward the widespread sectarian bloodletting that spiked in 2006 and 2007 and pushed the country to the brink of civil war.

More than 500 people have been killed in May. The month before was Iraq’s deadliest since June 2008, according to a United Nations tally that put April’s death toll at more than 700.

“Iraq is a reactor that’s overheating and there’s little coolant available,” said Ramzy Mardini, an analyst at the Beirut-based Iraq Institute for Strategic Studies. “Iraq’s nascent politics is not quipped to sustain the current dangerous levels of internal and external pressure. There needs to be an off-ramp to relieve some of the pressure.”

The vehicle ban coming into effect Friday applies to cars bearing temporary black license plates. Those plates are common in post-war Iraq, where for years it was difficult to obtain new ones. They are typically on older-model vehicles and are more difficult to trace, and authorities say they are frequently used in car bombings.

Most of Thursday’s blasts erupted in Baghdad.

Car bombs killed four in the northeastern Shiite neighborhood of Binouq, and three died in a bombing at a market selling spare car parts in central Baghdad, according to police. In Baghdad’s eastern Shiite Ur neighborhood, a parked car bomb went off next to an army patrol, killing four and wounding 17, police said.

Police officials also said that a roadside bomb exploded near a police patrol in the largely Shiite central commercial district of Karradah, killing three people there. That explosion shattered glass on several storefronts and left the stricken police unit’s modified Ford pickup truck charred and mangled.

“What have these innocent people done to deserve this?” asked witness Sinan Ali. “So many people were hurt. Who is responsible?”

In Baghdad’s northern Shiite neighborhood of Shaab, a car bomb exploded in a commercial area, killing six civilians and wounding 17 others.

In the largely Sunni neighborhood of Azamiyah in the capital’s north, a car bomb struck near a military convoy, killing three people, including two soldiers, according to police. Another 14 people were wounded in that attack.

A bomb hidden on a minibus killed three and maimed eight in the eastern mixed Sunni-Shiite New Baghdad neighborhood. And a police patrol was struck in the southern neighborhood of Saydiyah, wounding six.

Hospital officials confirmed the casualties.

In Anbar province, the provincial governor escaped an assassination attempt when a suicide bomber rammed his explosive-laden car into his convoy, his deputy Dhari Arkan said. The governor escaped unharmed, but four of his guards were wounded.

Anbar is a vast Sunni-dominated province west of Baghdad that for months has been the center of protests against the Shiite-led government.

In the former insurgent stronghold city of Mosul, about 360 kilometers (225 miles) northwest of Baghdad, a suicide bomber attacked a federal police checkpoint, killing three people, according to police.

And to the west of Mosul, a suicide attacker drove his explosives-packed car into a security checkpoint, killing two members of the security forces and two civilians, according to a police officer and a doctor. Eight other people were wounded in the attacks in the town of Tal Afar, they added.

All officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to talk to the media.

The United Nations envoy to Iraq, Martin Kobler, urged Iraqi leaders to do more to “pull the country out of this mayhem.”

“Systemic violence is ready to explode at any moment,” he said in a statement.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attacks but blame for many of the attacks is likely to fall on al-Qaida’s Iraq arm, which frequently carries out bombings against civilians and security forces in an effort to undermine faith in the Shiite-led government.

Other militant groups have also grown more active in recent months, including the Army of the Men of the Naqshabandi Order, which has ties to members of Saddam Hussein’s now-outlawed Baath party.

The attacks began hours after bomb blasts tore through two Baghdad neighborhoods Wednesday evening, killing at least 30, including several members of a wedding party in the mixed Sunni-Shiite Jihad neighborhood.

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Associated Press writers Qassim Abdul-Zahra and Sinan Salaheddin contributed to this story.

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Follow Adam Schreck on Twitter at http://twitter.com/adamschreck

Associated Press

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Alarm grows as Iraqi forces fail to stem violence

Wave of attacks kills at least 57 in Iraq

Iraqi security force members inspect the site of a car bomb attack in Basra, 340 miles (550 kilometers) southeast of Baghdad, Iraq, Monday, May 20, 2013. Two car bombings in the southern city of Basra, killing and wounding dozens of people, police said. Iraq has seen a spike of attacks, including bombings hitting both Sunni and Shiite civilian targets over the last week. (AP Photo/ Nabil al-Jurani)

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(AP) — A string of car bombs and shootings killed at least 57 people in Shiite and Sunni areas of Iraq on Monday, officials said, escalating fears of a return to widespread sectarian bloodletting in the country.

The attacks, some of which hit market places and crowded bus stops during the morning rush hour, pushed the death toll in Iraq since Wednesday to more than 200. The bloodshed over the past week has been reminiscent of the retaliatory attacks between Sunnis and Shiites that pushed the country to the brink of civil war in 2006-2007.

Tensions have been worsening since Iraq’s minority Sunnis began protesting what they say is mistreatment at the hands of the Shiite-led government. The mass demonstrations, which began in December, have largely been peaceful, but the number of attacks rose sharply after a deadly security crackdown on a Sunni protest camp in northern Iraq on April 23.

Iraq’s Shiite majority, which was oppressed under Saddam Hussein, now controls the levers of power in the country. Wishing to rebuild the nation rather than revert to open warfare, they have largely restrained their militias over the past five years or so as Sunni extremist groups such as al-Qaida have targeted them with occasional large-scale attacks.

But the renewed violence in both Shiite and Sunni areas since late last month has fueled concerns of a return to sectarian warfare.

The worst of Monday’s violence took place in Baghdad, where nine car bombs ripped through open-air markets and other areas of Shiite neighborhoods, killing at least 33 people and wounding nearly 130, police officials said.

The surge in bloodshed has exasperated Iraqis, who have lived for years with the fear and uncertainty bred of random violence.

“How long do we have to continue living like this, with all the lies from the government?” asked 23-year-old Baghdad resident Malik Ibrahim. “Whenever they say they have reached a solution, the bombings come back stronger than before.”

“We’re fed up with them and we can’t tolerate this anymore,” he added.

The predominantly Shiite city of Basra in southern Iraq was also hit Monday, with two car bombs there — one outside a restaurant and another at the city’s main bus station — killing at least 13 and wounded 40, according to provincial police spokesman Col. Abdul-Karim al-Zaidi and the head of city’s health directorate, Riadh Abdul-Amir.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attacks, but such large-scale bombings bear the hallmarks of al-Qaida in Iraq.

The violence also struck Sunni areas, hitting the city of Samarra north of Baghdad and the western province of Anbar, a Sunni stronghold.

A parked car bomb in Samarra went off near a gathering of pro-government Sunni militia who were waiting outside a military base to receive salaries, killing three and wounding 13, while in Anbar gunmen ambushed two police patrols near the town of Haditha, killing eight policemen, police and army officials said.

Also in Anbar, authorities found 13 dead bodies in a remote desert area, officials said. The bodies, which included eight policemen who were kidnapped by gunmen on Friday, had been killed with a gunshot to the head.

The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media.

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Associated Press writer Nabil Al-Jurani in Basra contributed to this report.

Associated Press

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Wave of attacks kills at least 57 in Iraq

5 car bombs kill 36 in Shiite areas across Iraq

Civilians gather at the scene of a car bomb attack in the southern Shiite city of Karbala, 50 miles (80 kilometers) south of Baghdad, Iraq, Monday, April. 29, 2013. Five car bombs exploded Monday in predominantly Shiite cities and districts in central and southern Iraq, killing and wounding dozens of people, police said. (AP Photo)

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(AP) — Five car bombs struck in predominantly Shiite cities and districts in central and southern Iraq on Monday, killing 36 people and wounding dozens in the latest wave of violence roiling the country, Iraqi officials said.

No one immediately claimed responsibility for Monday’s blasts but coordinated bombings in civilian areas are a favorite strategy used by al-Qaida in Iraq.

Since last Tuesday and including the latest deaths, at least 218 people have been killed in attacks and battles between gunmen and security forces that began with clashes at a Sunni protest camp in northern Iraq.

The deadliest attack on Monday was in the southern city of Amarah, where two parked car bombs went off simultaneously in the early morning near a gathering of construction workers and a market, killing 18 people and wounding 42, the police said.

That attack was followed by another parked car bomb explosion near a restaurant in the city of Diwaniyah, which killed nine people and wounded 23. At least three cars were left charred and twisted from the blast outside a two-story building whose facade was damaged in the bombing. Shop owners and cleaners were brushing debris off the bloodstained pavement.

Amarah, some 320 kilometers (200 miles) southeast of Baghdad and Diwaniyah, 130 kilometers (80 miles) south of the capital, are heavily Shiite and usually peaceful.

Hours later, yet another car bomb went off in the Shiite city of Karbala, killing three civilians and wounding 14, police said. Two early Islamic figures revered by Shiites are buried in the city, about 90 kilometers (55 miles) south of Baghdad.

And in the otherwise predominantly Sunni town of Mahmoudiya, about 20 miles (30 kilometers) south of Baghdad, a car bomb ripped through a Shiite neighborhood killing six people and wounding 14, another police said.

Ibrahim Ali, a schoolteacher in Mahmoudiya, said he was with his students in the classroom when he heard a thunderous explosion.

“We asked the students to remain inside the classrooms because we were concerned with their safety,” Ali said. “The students were panicking and some of them started to cry,” added Ali. He described burnt bodies and cars on fire at the nearby blast site.

The school was closed for the rest of the day and frightened students were told to go home. “We have been expecting this violence against Shiites due to the rising sectarian tension in the country,” added Ali, the schoolteacher.

Four medical officials confirmed the casualty figures. All officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media.

Sectarian violence has spiked since Tuesday, when security forces tried to make arrests at a Sunni Muslim protest camp in the northern city of Hawija. The move set off a clash that killed 23 people, including three soldiers.

In a sign of mounting worries over the deteriorating security situation, Iraqi authorities on Monday decided to close the country’s only border crossing with Jordan, beginning on Tuesday. A brief Interior Ministry statement didn’t elaborate on the decision, saying only it is “related to the country’s domestic affairs.”

Iraq shut the same border crossing in January, not long after anti-government protests erupted, citing unspecified security concerns. The route from Jordan passes through the overwhelmingly Sunni cities of Ramadi and Fallujah, west of Baghdad, which have been hotbeds of Sunni anger at the government. A protest camp straddling the Jordan-Iraq highway in Ramadi is the center of the protest movement.

On Sunday, the government suspended the operating licenses of pan-Arab broadcaster Al-Jazeera and nine Iraqi TV channels after accusing them of escalating sectarian tensions in Iraq.

That move drew a strong criticism from some of the news outlets and a sharp rebuke from Human Rights Watch. Qatar-based Al-Jazeera said it was “astonished” by the move.

Apart from Al-Jazeera, the decision affected eight Sunni channels and a Shiite one. Al-Jazeera was founded with support from the tiny, energy-rich nation of Qatar, which is a leading backer of rebels fighting in neighboring Syria and is accused by many supporters of the Iraqi government of backing protests in Iraq too.

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Associated Press writers Adam Schreck and Sameer N. Yacoub contributed to this report.

Associated Press

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5 car bombs kill 36 in Shiite areas across Iraq

Iraq suspends Al-Jazeera and 9 Iraqi TV channels

Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, center right, Iraqi acting Defense Minister Sadun al-Dulaymi, center left, government officials, and parliament members, attend the funeral procession of five slain soldiers at the headquarters of the Iraqi Ministry of Defense in Baghdad, Iraq, Sunday, April 28, 2012. Gunmen killed 10 people in Iraq, including five soldiers near the main Sunni protest camp west of Baghdad on Saturday, the latest in a wave of violence that has raised fears the country faces a new round of sectarian bloodshed. (AP Photo/Hadi Mizban)

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(AP) — Iraqi authorities suspended the operating licenses of pan-Arab broadcaster Al-Jazeera and nine Iraqi TV channels on Sunday after accusing them of escalating sectarian tension. The move signaled the Shiite-led government’s mounting worries over deteriorating security amid Sunni unrest and clashes that have left more than 180 people dead in less than a week.

The suspensions, which took effect immediately, appeared to target mainly Sunni channels known for criticizing Prime Minister Nouri al-Malik’s government. Apart from Al-Jazeera, the decision affected eight Sunni and one Shiite channels.

The government’s action comes as Baghdad tries to quell rising unrest in the country that erupted last week after Iraqi security forces launched a deadly crackdown on a Sunni protest site in the central city of Hawija, killing 23 people, including three soldiers.

Since then, more than 180 people have been killed in gunbattles with security forces and other attacks. The recent wave of violence follows more than four months of largely peaceful protests by Iraq’s Sunni Muslim minority against Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s government.

Iraqi viewers will still be able to watch the channels, but the suspensions issued by Iraq’s Communications and Media Commission state that if the 10 stations try to work on Iraqi territory they will face legal action from security forces. The decree essentially prevents news crews from the stations from reporting on activities in Iraq.

Sunni lawmaker Dahfir al-Ani described the move as part of the government’s attempts “to cover up the bloodshed that took place in Hawija and what is going on in other places in the country.”

Al-Jazeera, based in the small, energy-rich Gulf nation of Qatar, said it was “astonished” by the move.

“We cover all sides of the stories in Iraq, and have done for many years. The fact that so many channels have been hit all at once, though, suggests this is an indiscriminate decision,” it said in an emailed statement. “We urge the authorities to uphold freedom for the media to report the important stories taking place in Iraq.”

The channel has aggressively covered the “Arab Spring” uprisings across the region, and has broadcast extensively on the civil war in neighboring Syria. Qatar itself is a harsh critic of the Syrian regime. The nation is a leading backer of the rebels and is accused by many supporters of the Iraqi government of backing protests in Iraq too.

Newspapers and media outlets sprang up across Baghdad after the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, yet Iraq remains one of the deadliest countries for reporters with more than 150 killed since 1992, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Iraq and other governments across the Middle East have temporarily shut down Al-Jazeera’s offices in the past because they were disgruntled by its coverage.

The other nine channels whose licenses were suspended by the Iraqi media commission are al-Sharqiya and al-Sharqiya News, which frequently criticize the government, and seven smaller local channels — Salahuddin, Fallujah, Taghyeer, Baghdad, Babiliya, Anwar 2 and al-Gharbiya.

The Baghdad-based Baghdad TV said the decision was politically motivated.

“The Iraqi authorities do not tolerate any opposite opinions and are trying to silence any voices that do not go along with the official line,” said Omar Subhi, who directs the news section.

He added that the TV station was concerned about the safety of its staff, fearing that security forces might chase them.

In a statement posted on its website, the government media commission blamed the banned stations for the escalation of sectarian tension that is fueling the violence that followed the deadly clashes in Hawija.

Iraq’s media commission accused the stations of misleading and exaggerated reports, airing “clear calls for disorder” and “launching retaliatory criminal attacks against security forces.” It also blamed the stations for promoting “banned terrorist organizations who committed crimes against Iraqi people.”

Osama Abdul-Rahman, a Sunni government employee from northern Baghdad, said the government is adopting a double-standard policy regarding media outlets by turning a blind eye on several Shiite channels that he claims also incite violence.

“The channels close to main Shiite parties and even the state-run television also broadcast sectarian programs promoting violence all the time, yet, nobody stops them,” he added.

Erin Evers, a Mideast researcher for Human Rights Watch, called the government’s claim that it moved against the channels because they were inciting sectarianism suspicious given its “consistent history of cracking down on media — particularly opposition media — during politically sensitive times.”

“The cancellation of these stations’ licenses is further evidence that the government seeks to prevent the coverage of news they do not like,” she said.

She accused the Iraqi media commission of confusing coverage of a speech with sectarian overtones with the active promotion of sectarian violence. “These are two completely different things and the first is protected under international and Iraqi law,” she said.

The decision to suspend the stations came as al-Maliki made a rare appearance at an official funeral for five soldiers killed on Saturday by gunmen in Sunni-dominated Anbar province. Local police in the province said the soldiers were killed in a gunbattle after their vehicle was stopped near a Sunni protest camp.

Authorities had given protest organizers a 24-deadline to hand over the gunmen behind the killing or face a “firm response.” No one has been handed over and the deadline passed.

Wrapped in Iraqi flags, the five caskets were loaded on military trucks next to flower bouquets, as soldiers held pictures of the deceased and grieved families gathered outside the Defense Ministry building in Baghdad’s heavily fortified Green Zone.

In Saturday violence, gunmen using guns fitted with silencers shot dead two Sunni local tribal leaders in two separate drive-by shootings south of Baghdad.

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Associated Press writers Adam Schreck and Sinan Salaheddin in Baghdad contributed.

Associated Press

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Iraq suspends Al-Jazeera and 9 Iraqi TV channels

Kerry warns Iraq on Iran flights to Syria

AAA Mar. 24, 2013 9:21 AM ET
Kerry warns Iraq on Iran flights to Syria
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS STATEMENT OF NEWS VALUES AND PRINCIPLES By MATTHEW LEE

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, right meets with Iraq’s Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in Baghdad, Iraq, Sunday, March 24, 2013. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry made an unannounced visit to Iraq on Sunday and will urge Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to make sure Iranian flights over Iraq do not carry arms and fighters to Syria, a U.S. official said. (AP Photo/Jason Reed, Pool)

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BAGHDAD (AP) — U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry says he’s made it clear to Iraq that it shouldn’t allow Iran to use its airspace to ship weapons and fighters to Syria.

Kerry told reporters Sunday during an unannounced trip to Baghdad that the Iranian overflights were a major point of discussion in his private talks with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Kerry said he told Maliki that anything that supports President Bashar Assad and his regime was, quote, “problematic.”

Kerry also said that U.S. lawmakers and the American people are watching what Iraq is doing and “wondering how it is a partner.”

Associated Press

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Kerry warns Iraq on Iran flights to Syria

Iraq newsmakers: Where are they?

Former prisoner of war Jessica Lynch, seen here in December 2011, left the Army and got a degree in elementary education.

Former prisoner of war Jessica Lynch, seen here in December 2011, left the Army and got a degree in elementary education.

(CNN) — Ten years ago this week, President George W. Bush announced that the United States and coalition forces had begun military action against Iraq.

Here’s a look back at some of the people who made headlines during the war.

Jessica Lynch

Then: Lynch, a 20-year-old private first class in the U.S. Army, was a prisoner of war who became a celebrity after American troops filmed her rescue in April 2003. She returned home to a hero’s welcome and was awarded the Bronze Star. A television movie, “Saving Jessica Lynch,” aired in November 2003.

Now: Lynch is out of the Army, and she recently earned a college degree in elementary education. In 2007, she told a House committee that the military lied about her capture. She said she had been billed as a “little girl Rambo” who went down fighting when her convoy was ambushed. “It was not true,” she said. “The truth is always more heroic than the hype.”

Lynch has a young daughter, Dakota Ann, who is named in honor of Lori Ann Piestewa, Lynch’s best friend who was killed in the ambush. In a 2011 interview with CNN, Lynch said the injuries she suffered in Iraq still affect her and that she wears a leg brace. She had undergone 20 surgeries and expected more to come.

Muqtada al-Sadr

Then: A Shiite cleric with an intensely loyal following in Iraq, al-Sadr has long been one of the country’s leading voices of anti-American sentiment. He and his Mehdi Army clashed frequently with coalition forces in the first few years of the war.

Now: Al-Sadr disbanded the Mehdi Army in 2008, announcing that it would instead be a movement to oppose secularism and Western thought. His political bloc has become a kingmaker in Iraqi politics: Its 39 members of Iraq’s parliament were key to Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki’s winning a second term in 2010.

Al-Sadr rarely makes public appearances, but his supporters usually hold demonstrations every March to mark the anniversary of the Iraq war.

George W. Bush

Then: The 43rd president of the United States led a “coalition of the willing” into Iraq to remove Saddam Hussein and his suspected weapons of mass destruction.

Now: Bush has kept a low profile since his second term ended in 2009, and he recently said he’s “pretty content” with life after the presidency.

In his memoir, “Decision Points,” Bush wrote that he felt sick to his stomach when he found there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.

“I felt terrible about it,” Bush told CNN’s Candy Crowley in 2010. “On the other hand, those reports did point out that Saddam Hussein was very dangerous, that he had the capacity to make weapons. I’m convinced that if he were still in power today, the world would be a lot worse off.”

Bush’s presidential library, on the campus of Southern Methodist University in Dallas, opens to the public in May.

Hans Blix

Then: Blix was the United Nations’ chief weapons inspector in the months before the war. He reported in January 2003 that the Iraqi government was not fully cooperating with U.N. inspectors looking for weapons of mass destruction. The United States started airstrikes two months later.

Now: Blix is chairman of an international advisory board for the United Arab Emirates, which is seeking a peaceful nuclear energy program. Since retiring from his U.N. post in 2003, Blix has written two books on Iraq and been critical of the Bush administration’s decision to invade.

Lynndie England

Then: England was one of 11 U.S. soldiers convicted of crimes relating to the Abu Ghraib prison scandal in 2004. The 21-year-old private first class was seen in several photographs that showed physical and sexual abuse of Iraqi prisoners.

Now: After being released from military prison halfway into a 36-month sentence, England has been trying to rebuild her life. In 2009, she told the State Journal, a newspaper in Charleston, West Virginia, that it had been hard to find work since she was dishonorably discharged from the Army: “I go on interviews. As soon as they realize who I am, I’m turned down.”

England has an 8-year-old son who was conceived during her tour in Iraq.

Muhammad Saeed al-Sahaf

Then: Al-Sahaf was Saddam Hussein’s minister of information at the beginning of the war. He often answered foreign reporters’ questions with outrageously false claims and venomous insults of the enemy. “The infidels are committing suicide by the hundreds on the gates of Baghdad,” he once alleged. The media came up with several nicknames for al-Sahaf, including “Baghdad Bob” and “Comical Ali.”

Now: Al-Sahaf has kept a low profile since the Hussein government was overthrown in 2003. In interviews with Al-Arabiya and Abu Dhabi TV, al-Sahaf said he had surrendered to U.S. forces and been released after questioning.

L. Paul Bremer

Then: As director of the Coalition Provisional Authority from 2003 to 2004, Bremer, a U.S. diplomat, was the highest-ranking official in Iraq. His group essentially governed Iraq and oversaw its rebuilding efforts until the Iraqis were ready to reassume power. When Saddam Hussein was captured, Bremer made the announcement: “Ladies and gentlemen, we got him!”

Now: Bremer has served on the boards of several corporations and nonprofits since he left Iraq and he has kept an active media presence by appearing on television and writing for newspapers. He has also published a book, “My Year in Iraq: The Struggle to Build a Future of Hope.”

Bremer also likes to paint. He has a website that promotes his work, and many of his oil paintings depict wintry landscapes in Vermont.

Donald Rumsfeld

Then: As secretary of defense under President George W. Bush, Rumsfeld managed the early part of the war in Iraq. Praised at first for the effectiveness of the campaign, he soon came under fire for his planning and execution, not to mention the Abu Ghraib prison scandal. He resigned in 2006 and was replaced by Robert Gates.

Now: Since leaving his post, Rumsfeld has been outspoken in the media, appearing numerous times on CNN to talk about foreign policy issues. In October 2011, he reflected on the Iraq war with Fareed Zakaria:

“I think the world is better off having the Iraqi people, an important country, with a constitution they drafted, with a government that’s respectful of the various diverse elements in that country. Is it perfect? No. Are people still going to be killing each other from time to time in that part of the world? You bet. But it is, I think, a situation that is better today than it was then.

“Now, it’s taken time. It’s taken money. It’s taken lives. And that is always not predictable.”

Rumsfeld has written a book, “Known and Unknown: A Memoir.”

Muntadhar al-Zaidi

Then: Al-Zaidi, an Iraqi journalist, threw his shoes at President Bush during a news conference in December 2008. The defiant insult made al-Zaidi a hero in the eyes of many in the Arab world, but it also landed him a one-year prison sentence for assault.

Now: Released several months early for good behavior, al-Zaidi defended his act of protest. He said he felt compelled to act after witnessing what the U.S. invasion had wrought on his country: “I got my chance, and I didn’t miss it. … I saw my country burning.” He published a memoir called “The Last Salute to President Bush.”

Jill Carroll

Then: Carroll, a freelance reporter for the Christian Science Monitor newspaper, was kidnapped by an Iraqi militant group and held for nearly three months before her release in March 2006. Once back in the United States, Carroll denounced a propaganda video in which she appeared, saying it was a price she had to pay for her freedom.

Now: Carroll described her ordeal in the Monitor, writing an 11-part series called Hostage: The Jill Carroll Story. In 2008, she left the newspaper for Fairfax County, Virginia, where she was training to be a firefighter.

Ayad Allawi

Then: When he was sworn in as interim prime minister in June 2004, Allawi became the first Iraqi other than Saddam Hussein to lead the country in more than three decades. Allawi was co-founder of the Iraqi National Accord, a group that opposed Hussein’s Ba’ath Party.

Now: Allawi’s Sunni-backed Iraqiya bloc won the most seats in 2010′s parliamentary elections, and it has a power-sharing deal in place with the Shiite-backed State of Law Coalition led by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki. There has been political tension between the two groups recently, with Allawi’s group accusing al-Maliki of cutting it out of the decision-making process. The Iraqiya bloc even pulled out of parliament in December, but it ended the boycott a month later.

Tommy Franks

Then: Franks, a four-star Army general who served three tours in Vietnam, led the invasion of Iraq while in charge of U.S. Central Command. Centcom oversees military operations in 20 countries, many of which are in the Middle East.

Now: Since retiring in 2003, Franks has traveled the world speaking about leadership, character and the value of democracy, according to his website. His 2004 autobiography, “American Soldier,” debuted at No. 1 on The New York Times’ best-seller list. Franks is currently on the board of directors for the group that runs Chuck E. Cheese restaurants.

David Petraeus

Then: As a four-star Army general, Petraeus relieved George Casey Jr. in 2007 to command coalition forces in Iraq. He oversaw the “surge” strategy that increased troop levels by 30,000.

In later years, he would take over command of the Afghanistan war effort and become director of the CIA,

Now: Petraeus resigned his CIA post in November, admitting he had an extramarital affair with his biographer, Paula Broadwell. Sources close to Petraeus said he would be making his first public appearance since his resignation later this month, speaking at a dinner honoring veterans and active duty military.

Cindy Sheehan

Then: Sheehan became the face of the antiwar movement in 2005, when she protested for weeks outside President Bush’s ranch in Crawford, Texas. She said she wanted to confront the president, whom she held responsible for the death of her son, a U.S. soldier slain in Iraq.

Now: Sheehan continues to be a vocal opponent of U.S. war efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan. She ran for Congress in 2008 but finished a distant second behind House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in California.

Sheehan has been sued by the federal government for not paying taxes. Sheehan told CNN affiliate KXTV last year that she refuses to pay: “If they can give me my son back, then I’ll pay my taxes. And that’s not going to happen.”

Baby Noor

Then: Seven years ago, U.S. soldiers in Baghdad came upon Noor, a 3-month-old Iraqi girl struggling with spina bifida. They brought her to the United States for life-saving medical treatment.

Now: Noor is struggling back in Iraq, a war-ravaged country where disabled children are often treated as an afterthought. She cannot walk, and she likely never will because of her condition. She’s also running low on catheters and suffers from urinary tract infections that result from abnormal bladder function. Complications from such infections could be deadly.

Noor attends a school for disabled children, but the school’s social researcher fears Noor is suffering from depression and low self-esteem. Much of that may stem from the abandonment of her mother, who left the family with her second child and asked for a divorce. Noor rarely sees her mother anymore.

Youssif

Then: Youssif, a 5-year-old boy living in Baghdad, was horribly scarred when masked men set him on fire in 2007. His CNN story struck a chord with viewers, who donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Los Angeles-based nonprofit that brought Youssif to the United States for medical treatment.

Now: Youssif and his family continue to call California home, and he has had more than a dozen surgeries to reconstruct his face. He still needs more surgeries, but he has kept a positive upbeat attitude and adjusted well to his new life in the United States. He speaks English, attends school and plays soccer. He said in 2011 that he misses his home country and wants to grow up to be a doctor so he can help others.

Coming Thursday: Youssif, 6 years later

Arwa Damon: How has Iraq changed

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • CNN’s Arwa Damon arrived in Iraq 10 years ago amid cloud of fear and secrecy
  • With no U.S.-postwar plan, Iraqi society soon crumbled into violence and chaos
  • Damon, who has spent much of the last decade in Iraq, recently returned
  • She tells the stories of Iraqis still paying the price for a war in which they had no say

Watch “Iraq: 10 Years On” with CNN’s Arwa Damon at 9:30 a.m. GMT / 10:30 a.m. CET and 17:30 p.m. GMT / 18:30 CET Tuesday on CNN International.

Baghdad (CNN) — It was an odd splash of color that jumped out from the drab gray shades of the dusty battleground in Iraq: a red shoe smaller than my hand, adorned with a pink ribbon and bow.

The sickening cacophony of war — the crackle of gunfire, thud of artillery and bone-shaking tremors of air strikes — drifted into a background haze.

I stood there staring at the shoe. The image remains so vivid in my mind I could paint it on a canvas from memory.

Watch: Arwa Damon looks at the lingering effect of war on Iraqis

It was dusk on one of the first days of the November 2004 battle for Falluja. U.S. military commanders would later describe it as the most intense urban combat since Vietnam.

The shoe lay in a rubble-strewn yard amid the mustard yellow debris of a partially destroyed, single-story home in a poor part of the city.

My world froze right then.

I imagined her as being a little girl with curly, dark brown hair, about 5 years old. I could almost hear the shouts as she and other children ran around the yard playing joyfully.

There were other clues about the life of the family that once lived here. Torn photographs on the ground, a teddy bear in a drawer, clothing turned into clumps of matted shreds. A lone, delicate, hour-glass-shaped tea cup that somehow survived the American bombardment, peeking out from a heap of debris

Yet the inhabitants were gone, their stories untold, their lives a mystery.

Who was this little girl? Did she spend nights curled up in her parents’ bed fearing the ghosts of al Qaeda operatives in the street? Did she burst into uncontrollable tears as the U.S. military pounded her city? Or did the family flee well before this all happened?

Was she even alive?

About a year later, I found myself at the exact same spot. I was on another embed — one of dozens — with the U.S. military. The house had been rebuilt; children darted through the yard.

I decided to knock on the door and ask about the little girl. I had a brief conversation with one of the men who answered. Like just about any Iraqi at the time, he was clearly uncomfortable with a Western TV crew and an entire platoon of American soldiers at his front door.

Falluja was no longer an al Qaeda stronghold, but its operatives still lurked in the shadows. Most of the city had been reduced to rubble.

Opinion: Why women are less free 10 years after the invasion of Iraq

The man told me the previous residents were distant relatives and had gone elsewhere. Realizing how distressed he and the other adults were, I thanked them and left. My desperate curiosity was trumped by the knowledge that our lingering presence could put them in danger if they were spotted talking to Americans.

And so that girl remains unknown to us, the outside world, like countless other Iraqi civilians caught in the middle of the invasion, the insurgency and the brutal sectarian violence that followed.

There were plenty of hair-raising moments in Falluja. We saw soldiers struck down; the festering corpses of insurgents rotting in the sun; the few remaining residents flocking to a mosque for food; the brave little boy, a bone protruding from his arm, who barely cried as the American medics tended to him.

And yet for me, Falluja is defined by that shoe, by the little girl whose story I don’t know. One of many freeze-frame moments of human agony caused by war.

Arwa Damon interviewed women searching for missing loved ones in Baghdad during the war.

Arwa Damon interviewed women searching for missing loved ones in Baghdad during the war.

A month earlier, another battle zone was defined by another Iraqi I never met. The U.S. military had put word out to residents there to come and collect the bodies of the dead.

A woman clad in a black abaya, only her face visible, stumbled as she approached the hospital, arriving before the gates had even opened. It was as if each step was heavier than the last, as if her feet wanted to drag her away from what she knew she must see.

Then, she collapsed to her knees. Her black headdress fell off, her dark auburn hair tumbling out as she unleashed a scream filled with so much pain it felt like a claw gripping my throat.

It was the wail of a single word: “Why?”

A new brand of evil

I first arrived in Baghdad a few weeks before the U.S.-led invasion. A cloud of fear and secrecy gripped Iraq; residents spoke to me in double entendre or slipped scraps of paper scrawled with cryptic messages into my hand.

“What you hear is not true,” read one note, secretly given to me after my government minder said all Iraqis loved Saddam Hussein.

Another slip bore a message of hope. It said simply, “Yes Amreeka.”

But it’s never that simple in Iraq.

Certainly, many Iraqis wanted to be rid of Saddam. They so desperately wanted what America was promising — democracy and freedom. But their desire was tinged with a deep-seated fear and mistrust of the United States.

Few could have imagined back then just what America’s democracy project would do to their nation. How all that was familiar would be ripped away, how violence would tear communities apart, how society would have to adapt to another brand of evil more terrifying than the fear under Saddam — one they didn’t know how to navigate.

The elation coupled with shock that so many felt as Saddam’s statue came tumbling down — the hope that suddenly a world of opportunities would open — evaporated almost as quickly as the regime collapsed.

The toppling of the statue in a Baghdad square in April 2003 should have ushered in a vibrant Iraq as the Bush administration promised. Instead, it stands as the pivotal point of lost opportunity. The United States, with no post-war plan, was helpless to prevent the country from falling into chaos.

Devastating mistakes by the U.S. administration in Iraq — such as disbanding the Iraqi army and the de-Baathification campaign — alienated a sizeable chunk of the population and lay the groundwork for the Sunni insurgency. Shia militias emerged and thrived.

Hans Blix: Iraq War was a terrible mistake and violation of U.N. charter

Ten years on, the war has left more than 134,000 Iraqis and 4,800 Americans dead and cost hundreds of billions of dollars. It has left in its wake a nation whose government tends to look to the east — meaning Iran — a state the United States cannot rely upon as an ally.

Iraq has been through so much over the last 10 years: Everything that every resident knew to be normal was crushed, tearing down the very fabric, the very essence of society.

Damon was based in Iraq during the war and has returned as often as possible to tell the stories of the Iraqi people.

Damon was based in Iraq during the war and has returned as often as possible to tell the stories of the Iraqi people.

Baghdad was home for me, my permanent base, from 2003 to 2010, and since then I have taken or created every opportunity to return. It is something I have had to fight for at times, a battle fueled by — yes — my attachment to the country and its people. But also by a fundamental belief that we cannot abandon the story of Iraq, of how it plays into the region’s current dynamics and the changes sweeping the Middle East. Nor can we abandon the Iraqi people — a people still paying the price for a war in which they had no say, a war for them that has not yet ended.

It is their stories I want to share 10 years on because even today the effects of the war and the mistakes America made still linger — wearing on people to such a degree that many don’t recognize their country, don’t recognize their countrymen, don’t recognize themselves.

To survive the war, when the violence was at its worst, many residents carried two IDs — one Sunni, one Shia — to cross front lines. Trash collectors were executed in public because they worked for the government. Religious extremists forced hair salons to shut down, murdering anyone they deemed not “conservative” enough.

Mosques, churches, markets — everything — became a target.

The U.S. administration for years continued to insist there was “progress” in Iraq, until the violence became so rampant and widespread there was no denying it anymore.

And the outside world was quickly gripped with “Iraq fatigue.” It was the war everyone just wanted to forget. The war that worsened by the day for those who did not have that luxury, for whom there was no escape.

An innocence lost

Ahmed was just 12 when he saw his first street killing. Al Qaeda had taken over his Baghdad neighborhood, and every day at dusk, as the call to prayer would echo across the square, so too would the sound of executions.

At first, Ahmed was plagued with nightmares. But then the killings just became normal, part of the everyday routine.

“When they dragged [the victim] out of the car they would just shoot and leave,” Ahmed told me. “He would bleed until he died and the body would stay three to four days until the dogs ate it or the guards at night would take it away to the hospital.”

I met Ahmed for the first time on my trip back to Baghdad this year. In the square where he first saw executions, children now play soccer. But the neighborhood is still dangerous; for his safety we’re not using his real name.

Ahmed remembers the first time he saw someone killed in the streets. CNN is not using his real name or showing his face for his safety.

Ahmed remembers the first time he saw someone killed in the streets. CNN is not using his real name or showing his face for his safety.

I was taken aback by how soft-spoken, polite and yet clearly tormented he is. He and his friends were so young they didn’t know what death meant: “It was only later that I learned what death was, what al Qaeda was.”

They still talk about what they witnessed. Ahmed’s goal now at 18: to get out of Iraq, to save what is left of his soul and humanity.

That’s not what he — and millions of others — dreamt of when the war began, before all the atrocities.

Day after day we journalists tried to condense the intensity, complexity and tragedy that is Iraq into our stories. At one point, just the number of unidentified bodies in Baghdad averaged 3,000 a month. How many times we must have used the phrase, “Bodies bearing signs of torture were found.”

It became part of Iraq’s daily reporting routine, a phone call made at the end of the day to get that body count, which would then be added to a wire story or rattled off in a live shot.

Lost in the numbers were the details: people who’d been tortured, their skin scraped off, fingernails ripped out, sometimes decapitated. Also lost were those left behind: a child who won’t ever hug her father again; a mother who won’t see her son’s wedding day.

‘Out of the game

Nahla al-Nadawi is tall, slender, elegantly dressed, with a firm handshake. She worked at a local Baghdad radio station in the years after the invasion. Part of her job was to read the daily death toll.

Watch: Specter of death looms over Iraqi widow

“The numbers game, you always think that you are exempt from the numbers,” she said. “You’re pained by them, but you’re outside of them.”

That is, until her husband became one of the numbers.

“I feel like it’s a game of musical chairs — one time you are tapped, another time someone else is,” she said. “Now my son and I are out of the game, completely, completely …”

She pauses, reflecting, trying to navigate her own pain, trying to understand how life can be so cruel.

The image of her husband — tall and proud — a doctor who moved his family back to Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein because he believed his country needed him, a father who doted on their 6-year-old autistic son — was forever changed in April 2007.

Etched into her memory is the vision of his charred body, melted together with nine others after a car bomb exploded, leaving a twisted pile of scorched flesh.

“Truly life was in color, and now it’s in black and white.”

Her voice is soft and even. The words she chooses thoughtful, emotive, graceful — even while speaking of what she saw of her husband and the others in the morgue that day.

“I remember a blue-colored sheet covering something. At one end the pigtails of a little girl with red ribbons, at the other a tiny foot. The sheet was drenched in blood. At that moment I forgot why I was standing there. I was crying for all those other people.”

Nahla al-Nadawi and her son Ussayid -- his name means

Nahla al-Nadawi and her son Ussayid — his name means “little lion” — met with Damon a year ago.

I saw her a year ago. She looked almost radiant, as if the cloak of death had lifted. In some ways it had been — or perhaps it was that she had learned to live with the pain.

“I have the courage to say that I was happy when the Americans arrived, but then I have hundreds of questions,” she said. “Why did the Americans make so many mistakes? Was it out of ignorance about Iraq, or was it deliberate?”

But on this trip, when we called her, she said she didn’t want to speak on camera. She said she didn’t want to appear weak and defeated — the story of so many Iraqis, just surviving day to day, as if they’ve been anesthetized.

Courage amid the carnage

Mohammed Rejeb cradled his grandson in his arms, filing out of his home with the rest of his family. Marines entered guns drawn, going from room to room in search of terrorists.

It was November 2005 in the small dusty town of Husayba, tucked against the Syrian border in al-Anbar province, a vast sprawling land along the Euphrates River valley and part of al Qaeda’s kingdom.

U.S. troops conducted these searches in cities, villages and towns across Iraq. It was an unconventional battleground, but typical of the war in Iraq. Entire streets and homes were booby-trapped. Washing-machine timers were hooked up to artillery shells in yards. Gunmen lurked in alleys, hiding behind doors. They were effectively on suicide missions, wanting to kill as many Americans before being gunned down.

Civilians never wanted to talk about al Qaeda. Doing so would bring a death sentence.

But I’ll never forget what Mohammed told me while while waiting for U.S. forces to search his home that day in 2005: “We want the Americans to save us from the terrorists.”

It floored me. I stared at the baby in his arms and was stunned by his courage. He could be killed for those simple words. Al Qaeda was known to slaughter anyone who dared speak against them.

A few hours later, I was crouched on a rooftop as rocket-propelled grenades fired by insurgents flew overhead and a U.S. soldier called in targets for air strikes. The heavy American bombardment reduced buildings to dust, explosions so powerful they would catapult an entire roof toward the sky as if it were cardboard.

Two days later, I saw Mohammed again, standing atop the rubble of one of the homes I might have seen bombed. He was among those digging through the wreckage, looking for one last body, that of a little boy, in what was once his cousin’s house.

The remains of 16 people had already been pulled out. All but one were women and children. They were later buried in a garden nearby; a curfew prevented people from taking the bodies to the graveyard.

They were Mohammed’s relatives; his cousin’s family.

As I arrived on the scene, mourners were in the process of moving the shrouded bodies. People pulled back the white burial cloths to prove to us these were innocent civilians.

In one shroud, a boy and girl lay curled up against each other.

The mourners, Mohammed among them, then pulled the last body out of the crushed home, that of 11-year-old Abdullah — the son of Mohammed’s cousin. Abdullah’s body was covered in a thin layer of gray dust.

Mohammed Rejeb shows Damon the graves in Husayba where members of his family are buried.

Mohammed Rejeb shows Damon the graves in Husayba where members of his family are buried.

“Look at him, look at him, you would swear he was sleeping,” Mohammed said.

The two of us didn’t speak beyond that moment, one of those tragedies reporters often come across in war — bearing witness to others’ sorrow and pain.

Last month, I returned to Husayba to find Mohammed.

The Euphrates River glittered in the sunlight on the ride there, past villages and towns once dominated by al Qaeda terrorists.

I hardly recognized Husayba. The market was vibrant, alive, packed with people.

A CNN stringer had already tracked down Mohammed, and he was happy to speak with us, to see me again.

I was both eager and apprehensive: What do you say to a man you watched in the rawest moment of profound grief?

I had thought of him often over the years — even felt connected to him in a strange way. At the same time, I felt as if I had no right to that connection. I was an observer to tragedy, while this was his life; these were his relatives killed before his eyes.

My fears eased as soon as I saw him again. He flashed the biggest smile and gave me the warmest handshake. I smiled back, told him he looked the same and that I had often wondered about him and his family.

Then he pointed to a young man behind him. “Look, that’s my son, who had the baby I was carrying.”

Then he continued in a matter-of-fact manner: “He was shot in the stomach by the Americans.”

That happened after the fight for Husayba, he told me. His son was driving his truck around a corner when suddenly he came across a U.S. foot patrol that opened fire.

Mohammed then asked how I was doing; he’d heard a rumor I had been kidnapped.

I laughed and reassured him I was fine. His concern for a near-stranger and his hospitality were utterly humbling.

The two of us then walked toward his house, a bizarre neighborhood tour with morbid commentary as he pointed out buildings and streets: “That’s the road you came down. … Al Qaeda took over that house! … Look, that’s where a foreign fighter was killed.”

Prior to the U.S. operation, he had tried to confront al Qaeda fighters stationed on his street, imploring them to move for the sake of the children in the area. They told him to shut his mouth or else.

As we walked into his home, he asked if I remembered the moment we met — when his family huddled in their small veranda while troops went from room to room.

Then he proudly introduced his grandson, the baby he was holding that day, now almost 8.

I asked him what I had been wondering for so long: Why did he speak up about the presence of al Qaeda and ask the Americans to save them?

“We had nothing left to lose,” he said. “We wanted security. But we never imagined that we would pay this price, that the Americans wouldn’t differentiate between friend or foe — it was all the same to them.”

He remembered the stench of death that day he dug through the rubble, the sickeningly sweet smell of decomposing bodies. But he couldn’t articulate his emotions, how he felt when he realized his relatives were among the dead.

At the nearby graveyard, some of the original rocks used to identify the graves still remain, with crudely hand-etched names engraved at the time.

Row after row, the rocks bear the same date: 7-11-2005.

Staring at those stones, I remembered what Mohammed had told me earlier while we talked over tea.

“I wish the Americans had never come. They ruined our country. They planted divisions,” he said. “They made us cry for the days of Saddam Hussein.”

No longer home

Ten years on, one can easily look around Baghdad and see a veneer of normalcy. But nothing about Iraq or what it has been through is normal. The cloak of sorrow that hangs over the capital is more suffocating than ever, even if violence is slightly down.

“We’re not living,” one Iraqi colleague told me. “We’re just surviving.”

I think the ones who are good left, and only the bad people stayed here.
Basma Al-Khateeb’s daughter, Sama, 22

It’s as if the violence created a façade. People were so focused on staying alive they didn’t fully notice the corruption, suspicion and tribalism that had seeped into society and government. Now that attacks are down — and fewer Iraqis are killed every day — all that and more has risen to the surface.

Basma al-Khateeb and her two daughters, 22-year-old Sama and 14-year-old Zeina, are among the remnants of Baghdad’s elite — a family that could have left but chose to stay. Basma is an IT professional and well-known activist.

We’ve known Basma and her family for years — she is a regular guest on CNN — and have always marveled at their courage and determination, a love for country that trumped their desire to escape.

Watch: Teens see no hope for future

But even Basma is uttering what for her was unimaginable. “I lost hope six to seven months ago,” she said. “You don’t feel it’s home any more.”

She paused, crushed by the weight of her own words. “Did I really say that?”

“Now the fear is different,” she explained. “You don’t know who is in the next car. They look at you as if you are different, your clothes, or even your gestures, your body language is different. We’re not comfortable being around the streets.”

“I think the people changed,” her daughter Sama added. “I think the ones who are good left, and only the bad people stayed here.”

It’s such an emotional, mentally complex notion that the family struggles to clearly define it — to be an alien in your own country.

“It’s a different culture, it’s a tribal culture. Before, there was no kind of culture that was dominant.”

Now there is. The streets feel hostile, and people continue to be wary of each other.

For the young, there is no room to mentally expand. For a professional like Sama, it’s either adopt the “principles” of corruption or find yourself unemployed.

“I had hope in the beginning and then I lost it,” she says. “It was like climbing the stairs and then there’s no end to it. You have to go down the stairs again. And that is depressing and very disappointing.

“This is no place for us. Because if I stay here, I have to be corrupt also, to live, to survive.”

In another time and place, Sama might have pursued her passion for the arts. She plays the piano beautifully. It’s a dream she plans to pursue far from her homeland.

As for Zeina, who has known nothing but war, she too wants to leave. Her first memory is of violence. Her defining moment of the last 10 years was a church bombing in 2010 in which her best friend was killed.

For their mother, this is the only home she has known. “I don’t want to have another home.”

But Basma wants something better for her daughters.

“In a certain time, at a certain point, it’s best for them to leave,” she says. “For study or work … for them to find out about themselves (and) be strong. They will not be strong here.”

Tragically, so many Iraqis I know echo those same sentiments. For the vast majority of them, the defining moments of the last 10 years are not of Saddam Hussein’s trial and execution, the drafting of the constitution or dipping their fingers in purple ink in the first elections.

It is the moment they last saw their loved one, gave them that last hug or kiss goodbye — not knowing it would turn out to be such a precious moment — before they were inexplicably, harshly torn away.

Voices of the war in Iraq

CNN’s Mohammed Tawfeeq and Wayne Drash contributed to this report.

AP PHOTOS: Scenes from Baghdad, 10 years on

This Thursday, March 14, 2013 photo shows a general view of the crossed swords monument at the site of an Associated Press photograph taken by Karim Kadim of U.S. soldiers taken on Nov. 16, 2008. The crossed-sword archways Saddam Hussein commissioned during Iraq’s nearly eight-year war with Iran stand defiantly on a little-used parade ground inside the Green Zone, the fortified district that houses the sprawling U.S. Embassy and several government offices. Iraqi officials began tearing down the archways in 2007 but quickly halted those plans and then started restoring the monument two years ago. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

Buy AP Photo Reprints

(AP) — To the first-time visitor, Baghdad might seem like a normal city. Well, almost normal: Pockmarked buildings and pervasive checkpoints serve as a stark reminder of the violence that nearly tore the country in the decade following the U.S.-led invasion, which began on March 20, 2003.

Today, the Baghdad Zoo is a popular destination for families wearing their finest clothes and enjoying spring weather before the temperature climbs. Nearly 10 years ago, the zoo’s staff fled just before Baghdad fell to U.S. troops. All but 35 of the animals died. Later, an American platoon set up a small base at the zoo, where they protected the facility from looting while it was rebuilt.

Abu Nawas Park, where orphans sniffed glue and slept beneath American tanks, now too is a haven for families and a place for die-hard soccer players to practice in the afternoons.

The Iraqi National Museum lost countless treasures during a chaotic period before Americans moved in to secure it. Today, the grounds are under renovation. Fewer than half of the antiquities have been recovered.

The Karrada district is a bustling commercial hub of shops and restaurants that stay open late into the night. During the bloodiest stretch of the war, these shops were shuttered by sundown.

The Iraqi capital and the people who live here still bear scars, some invisible.

On March 14, 2013, a series of coordinated bombings struck the Justice Ministry and killed dozens. Hours after that attack, a man sat in Firdous Square and watched his three children play, running circles around the pedestal that held Saddam Hussein’s statue before U.S. Marines pulled it down. None of the children had even been born when the war began. But when an explosion shook the square from yards (meters) away, they didn’t even flinch.

Associated Press

This article:  

AP PHOTOS: Scenes from Baghdad, 10 years on

Iraq war: Courage amid the carnage

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • CNN’s Arwa Damon arrived in Iraq 10 years ago amid cloud of fear and secrecy
  • With no U.S.-postwar plan, Iraqi society soon crumbled into violence and chaos
  • Damon, who has spent much of the last decade in Iraq, recently returned
  • She tells the stories of Iraqis still paying the price for a war in which they had no say

Watch “Iraq: 10 Years On” with CNN’s Arwa Damon at 5:30 a.m. and 1:30 p.m. ET Tuesday on CNN International.

Baghdad (CNN) — It was an odd splash of color that jumped out from the drab gray shades of the dusty battleground in Iraq: a red shoe smaller than my hand, adorned with a pink ribbon and bow.

The sickening cacophony of war — the crackle of gunfire, thud of artillery and bone-shaking tremors of air strikes — drifted into a background haze.

I stood there staring at the shoe. The image remains so vivid in my mind I could paint it on a canvas from memory.

Watch: Arwa Damon looks at the lingering effect of war on Iraqis

It was dusk on one of the first days of the November 2004 battle for Falluja. U.S. military commanders would later describe it as the most intense urban combat since Vietnam.

The shoe lay in a rubble-strewn yard amid the mustard yellow debris of a partially destroyed, single-story home in a poor part of the city.

My world froze right then.

I imagined her as being a little girl with curly, dark brown hair, about 5 years old. I could almost hear the shouts as she and other children ran around the yard playing joyfully.

There were other clues about the life of the family that once lived here. Torn photographs on the ground, a teddy bear in a drawer, clothing turned into clumps of matted shreds. A lone, delicate, hour-glass-shaped tea cup that somehow survived the American bombardment, peeking out from a heap of debris

Yet the inhabitants were gone, their stories untold, their lives a mystery.

Who was this little girl? Did she spend nights curled up in her parents’ bed fearing the ghosts of al Qaeda operatives in the street? Did she burst into uncontrollable tears as the U.S. military pounded her city? Or did the family flee well before this all happened?

Was she even alive?

About a year later, I found myself at the exact same spot. I was on another embed — one of dozens — with the U.S. military. The house had been rebuilt; children darted through the yard.

I decided to knock on the door and ask about the little girl. I had a brief conversation with one of the men who answered. Like just about any Iraqi at the time, he was clearly uncomfortable with a Western TV crew and an entire platoon of American soldiers at his front door.

Falluja was no longer an al Qaeda stronghold, but its operatives still lurked in the shadows. Most of the city had been reduced to rubble.

The man told me the previous residents were distant relatives and had gone elsewhere. Realizing how distressed he and the other adults were, I thanked them and left. My desperate curiosity was trumped by the knowledge that our lingering presence could put them in danger if they were spotted talking to Americans.

And so that girl remains unknown to us, the outside world, like countless other Iraqi civilians caught in the middle of the invasion, the insurgency and the brutal sectarian violence that followed.

There were plenty of hair-raising moments in Falluja. We saw soldiers struck down; the festering corpses of insurgents rotting in the sun; the few remaining residents flocking to a mosque for food; the brave little boy, a bone protruding from his arm, who barely cried as the American medics tended to him.

And yet for me, Falluja is defined by that shoe, by the little girl whose story I don’t know. One of many freeze-frame moments of human agony caused by war.

Arwa Damon interviewed women searching for missing loved ones in Baghdad during the war.

Arwa Damon interviewed women searching for missing loved ones in Baghdad during the war.

A month earlier, another battle zone was defined by another Iraqi I never met. The U.S. military had put word out to residents there to come and collect the bodies of the dead.

A woman clad in a black abaya, only her face visible, stumbled as she approached the hospital, arriving before the gates had even opened. It was as if each step was heavier than the last, as if her feet wanted to drag her away from what she knew she must see.

Then, she collapsed to her knees. Her black headdress fell off, her dark auburn hair tumbling out as she unleashed a scream filled with so much pain it felt like a claw gripping my throat.

It was the wail of a single word: “Why?”

A new brand of evil

I first arrived in Baghdad a few weeks before the U.S.-led invasion. A cloud of fear and secrecy gripped Iraq; residents spoke to me in double entendre or slipped scraps of paper scrawled with cryptic messages into my hand.

“What you hear is not true,” read one note, secretly given to me after my government minder said all Iraqis loved Saddam Hussein.

Another slip bore a message of hope. It said simply, “Yes Amreeka.”

But it’s never that simple in Iraq.

Certainly, many Iraqis wanted to be rid of Saddam. They so desperately wanted what America was promising — democracy and freedom. But their desire was tinged with a deep-seated fear and mistrust of the United States.

Few could have imagined back then just what America’s democracy project would do to their nation. How all that was familiar would be ripped away, how violence would tear communities apart, how society would have to adapt to another brand of evil more terrifying than the fear under Saddam — one they didn’t know how to navigate.

The elation coupled with shock that so many felt as Saddam’s statue came tumbling down — the hope that suddenly a world of opportunities would open — evaporated almost as quickly as the regime collapsed.

The toppling of the statue in a Baghdad square in April 2003 should have ushered in a vibrant Iraq as the Bush administration promised. Instead, it stands as the pivotal point of lost opportunity. The United States, with no post-war plan, was helpless to prevent the country from falling into chaos.

Devastating mistakes by the U.S. administration in Iraq — such as disbanding the Iraqi army and the de-Baathification campaign — alienated a sizeable chunk of the population and lay the groundwork for the Sunni insurgency. Shia militias emerged and thrived.

Ten years on, the war has left more than 134,000 Iraqis and 4,800 Americans dead and cost hundreds of billions of dollars. It has left in its wake a nation whose government tends to look to the east — meaning Iran — a state the United States cannot rely upon as an ally.

Iraq has been through so much over the last 10 years: Everything that every resident knew to be normal was crushed, tearing down the very fabric, the very essence of society.

Damon was based in Iraq during the war and has returned as often as possible to tell the stories of the Iraqi people.

Damon was based in Iraq during the war and has returned as often as possible to tell the stories of the Iraqi people.

Baghdad was home for me, my permanent base, from 2003 to 2010, and since then I have taken or created every opportunity to return. It is something I have had to fight for at times, a battle fueled by — yes — my attachment to the country and its people. But also by a fundamental belief that we cannot abandon the story of Iraq, of how it plays into the region’s current dynamics and the changes sweeping the Middle East. Nor can we abandon the Iraqi people — a people still paying the price for a war in which they had no say, a war for them that has not yet ended.

It is their stories I want to share 10 years on because even today the effects of the war and the mistakes America made still linger — wearing on people to such a degree that many don’t recognize their country, don’t recognize their countrymen, don’t recognize themselves.

To survive the war, when the violence was at its worst, many residents carried two IDs — one Sunni, one Shia — to cross front lines. Trash collectors were executed in public because they worked for the government. Religious extremists forced hair salons to shut down, murdering anyone they deemed not “conservative” enough.

Mosques, churches, markets — everything — became a target.

The U.S. administration for years continued to insist there was “progress” in Iraq, until the violence became so rampant and widespread there was no denying it anymore.

And the outside world was quickly gripped with “Iraq fatigue.” It was the war everyone just wanted to forget. The war that worsened by the day for those who did not have that luxury, for whom there was no escape.

An innocence lost

Ahmed was just 12 when he saw his first street killing. Al Qaeda had taken over his Baghdad neighborhood, and every day at dusk, as the call to prayer would echo across the square, so too would the sound of executions.

At first, Ahmed was plagued with nightmares. But then the killings just became normal, part of the everyday routine.

“When they dragged [the victim] out of the car they would just shoot and leave,” Ahmed told me. “He would bleed until he died and the body would stay three to four days until the dogs ate it or the guards at night would take it away to the hospital.”

I met Ahmed for the first time on my trip back to Baghdad this year. In the square where he first saw executions, children now play soccer. But the neighborhood is still dangerous; for his safety we’re not using his real name.

Ahmed remembers the first time he saw someone killed in the streets. CNN is not using his real name or showing his face for his safety.

Ahmed remembers the first time he saw someone killed in the streets. CNN is not using his real name or showing his face for his safety.

I was taken aback by how soft-spoken, polite and yet clearly tormented he is. He and his friends were so young they didn’t know what death meant: “It was only later that I learned what death was, what al Qaeda was.”

They still talk about what they witnessed. Ahmed’s goal now at 18: to get out of Iraq, to save what is left of his soul and humanity.

That’s not what he — and millions of others — dreamt of when the war began, before all the atrocities.

Day after day we journalists tried to condense the intensity, complexity and tragedy that is Iraq into our stories. At one point, just the number of unidentified bodies in Baghdad averaged 3,000 a month. How many times we must have used the phrase, “Bodies bearing signs of torture were found.”

It became part of Iraq’s daily reporting routine, a phone call made at the end of the day to get that body count, which would then be added to a wire story or rattled off in a live shot.

Lost in the numbers were the details: people who’d been tortured, their skin scraped off, fingernails ripped out, sometimes decapitated. Also lost were those left behind: a child who won’t ever hug her father again; a mother who won’t see her son’s wedding day.

‘Out of the game

Nahla al-Nadawi is tall, slender, elegantly dressed, with a firm handshake. She worked at a local Baghdad radio station in the years after the invasion. Part of her job was to read the daily death toll.

Watch: Specter of death looms over Iraqi widow

“The numbers game, you always think that you are exempt from the numbers,” she said. “You’re pained by them, but you’re outside of them.”

That is, until her husband became one of the numbers.

“I feel like it’s a game of musical chairs — one time you are tapped, another time someone else is,” she said. “Now my son and I are out of the game, completely, completely …”

She pauses, reflecting, trying to navigate her own pain, trying to understand how life can be so cruel.

The image of her husband — tall and proud — a doctor who moved his family back to Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein because he believed his country needed him, a father who doted on their 6-year-old autistic son — was forever changed in April 2007.

Etched into her memory is the vision of his charred body, melted together with nine others after a car bomb exploded, leaving a twisted pile of scorched flesh.

“Truly life was in color, and now it’s in black and white.”

Her voice is soft and even. The words she chooses thoughtful, emotive, graceful — even while speaking of what she saw of her husband and the others in the morgue that day.

“I remember a blue-colored sheet covering something. At one end the pigtails of a little girl with red ribbons, at the other a tiny foot. The sheet was drenched in blood. At that moment I forgot why I was standing there. I was crying for all those other people.”

Nahla al-Nadawi and her son Ussayid -- his name means

Nahla al-Nadawi and her son Ussayid — his name means “little lion” — met with Damon a year ago.

I saw her a year ago. She looked almost radiant, as if the cloak of death had lifted. In some ways it had been — or perhaps it was that she had learned to live with the pain.

“I have the courage to say that I was happy when the Americans arrived, but then I have hundreds of questions,” she said. “Why did the Americans make so many mistakes? Was it out of ignorance about Iraq, or was it deliberate?”

But on this trip, when we called her, she said she didn’t want to speak on camera. She said she didn’t want to appear weak and defeated — the story of so many Iraqis, just surviving day to day, as if they’ve been anesthetized.

Courage amid the carnage

Mohammed Rejeb cradled his grandson in his arms, filing out of his home with the rest of his family. Marines entered guns drawn, going from room to room in search of terrorists.

It was November 2005 in the small dusty town of Husayba, tucked against the Syrian border in al-Anbar province, a vast sprawling land along the Euphrates River valley and part of al Qaeda’s kingdom.

U.S. troops conducted these searches in cities, villages and towns across Iraq. It was an unconventional battleground, but typical of the war in Iraq. Entire streets and homes were booby-trapped. Washing-machine timers were hooked up to artillery shells in yards. Gunmen lurked in alleys, hiding behind doors. They were effectively on suicide missions, wanting to kill as many Americans before being gunned down.

Civilians never wanted to talk about al Qaeda. Doing so would bring a death sentence.

But I’ll never forget what Mohammed told me while while waiting for U.S. forces to search his home that day in 2005: “We want the Americans to save us from the terrorists.”

It floored me. I stared at the baby in his arms and was stunned by his courage. He could be killed for those simple words. Al Qaeda was known to slaughter anyone who dared speak against them.

A few hours later, I was crouched on a rooftop as rocket-propelled grenades fired by insurgents flew overhead and a U.S. soldier called in targets for air strikes. The heavy American bombardment reduced buildings to dust, explosions so powerful they would catapult an entire roof toward the sky as if it were cardboard.

Two days later, I saw Mohammed again, standing atop the rubble of one of the homes I might have seen bombed. He was among those digging through the wreckage, looking for one last body, that of a little boy, in what was once his cousin’s house.

The remains of 16 people had already been pulled out. All but one were women and children. They were later buried in a garden nearby; a curfew prevented people from taking the bodies to the graveyard.

They were Mohammed’s relatives; his cousin’s family.

As I arrived on the scene, mourners were in the process of moving the shrouded bodies. People pulled back the white burial cloths to prove to us these were innocent civilians.

In one shroud, a boy and girl lay curled up against each other.

The mourners, Mohammed among them, then pulled the last body out of the crushed home, that of 11-year-old Abdullah — the son of Mohammed’s cousin. Abdullah’s body was covered in a thin layer of gray dust.

Mohammed Rejeb shows Damon the graves in Husayba where members of his family are buried.

Mohammed Rejeb shows Damon the graves in Husayba where members of his family are buried.

“Look at him, look at him, you would swear he was sleeping,” Mohammed said.

The two of us didn’t speak beyond that moment, one of those tragedies reporters often come across in war — bearing witness to others’ sorrow and pain.

Last month, I returned to Husayba to find Mohammed.

The Euphrates River glittered in the sunlight on the ride there, past villages and towns once dominated by al Qaeda terrorists.

I hardly recognized Husayba. The market was vibrant, alive, packed with people.

A CNN stringer had already tracked down Mohammed, and he was happy to speak with us, to see me again.

I was both eager and apprehensive: What do you say to a man you watched in the rawest moment of profound grief?

I had thought of him often over the years — even felt connected to him in a strange way. At the same time, I felt as if I had no right to that connection. I was an observer to tragedy, while this was his life; these were his relatives killed before his eyes.

My fears eased as soon as I saw him again. He flashed the biggest smile and gave me the warmest handshake. I smiled back, told him he looked the same and that I had often wondered about him and his family.

Then he pointed to a young man behind him. “Look, that’s my son, who had the baby I was carrying.”

Then he continued in a matter-of-fact manner: “He was shot in the stomach by the Americans.”

That happened after the fight for Husayba, he told me. His son was driving his truck around a corner when suddenly he came across a U.S. foot patrol that opened fire.

Mohammed then asked how I was doing; he’d heard a rumor I had been kidnapped.

I laughed and reassured him I was fine. His concern for a near-stranger and his hospitality were utterly humbling.

The two of us then walked toward his house, a bizarre neighborhood tour with morbid commentary as he pointed out buildings and streets: “That’s the road you came down. … Al Qaeda took over that house! … Look, that’s where a foreign fighter was killed.”

Prior to the U.S. operation, he had tried to confront al Qaeda fighters stationed on his street, imploring them to move for the sake of the children in the area. They told him to shut his mouth or else.

As we walked into his home, he asked if I remembered the moment we met — when his family huddled in their small veranda while troops went from room to room.

Then he proudly introduced his grandson, the baby he was holding that day, now almost 8.

I asked him what I had been wondering for so long: Why did he speak up about the presence of al Qaeda and ask the Americans to save them?

“We had nothing left to lose,” he said. “We wanted security. But we never imagined that we would pay this price, that the Americans wouldn’t differentiate between friend or foe — it was all the same to them.”

He remembered the stench of death that day he dug through the rubble, the sickeningly sweet smell of decomposing bodies. But he couldn’t articulate his emotions, how he felt when he realized his relatives were among the dead.

At the nearby graveyard, some of the original rocks used to identify the graves still remain, with crudely hand-etched names engraved at the time.

Row after row, the rocks bear the same date: 7-11-2005.

Staring at those stones, I remembered what Mohammed had told me earlier while we talked over tea.

“I wish the Americans had never come. They ruined our country. They planted divisions,” he said. “They made us cry for the days of Saddam Hussein.”

No longer home

Ten years on, one can easily look around Baghdad and see a veneer of normalcy. But nothing about Iraq or what it has been through is normal. The cloak of sorrow that hangs over the capital is more suffocating than ever, even if violence is slightly down.

“We’re not living,” one Iraqi colleague told me. “We’re just surviving.”

I think the ones who are good left, and only the bad people stayed here.
Basma Al-Khateeb’s daughter, Sama, 22

It’s as if the violence created a façade. People were so focused on staying alive they didn’t fully notice the corruption, suspicion and tribalism that had seeped into society and government. Now that attacks are down — and fewer Iraqis are killed every day — all that and more has risen to the surface.

Basma al-Khateeb and her two daughters, 22-year-old Sama and 14-year-old Zeina, are among the remnants of Baghdad’s elite — a family that could have left but chose to stay. Basma is an IT professional and well-known activist.

We’ve known Basma and her family for years — she is a regular guest on CNN — and have always marveled at their courage and determination, a love for country that trumped their desire to escape.

Watch: Teens see no hope for future

But even Basma is uttering what for her was unimaginable. “I lost hope six to seven months ago,” she said. “You don’t feel it’s home any more.”

She paused, crushed by the weight of her own words. “Did I really say that?”

“Now the fear is different,” she explained. “You don’t know who is in the next car. They look at you as if you are different, your clothes, or even your gestures, your body language is different. We’re not comfortable being around the streets.”

“I think the people changed,” her daughter Sama added. “I think the ones who are good left, and only the bad people stayed here.”

It’s such an emotional, mentally complex notion that the family struggles to clearly define it — to be an alien in your own country.

“It’s a different culture, it’s a tribal culture. Before, there was no kind of culture that was dominant.”

Now there is. The streets feel hostile, and people continue to be wary of each other.

For the young, there is no room to mentally expand. For a professional like Sama, it’s either adopt the “principles” of corruption or find yourself unemployed.

“I had hope in the beginning and then I lost it,” she says. “It was like climbing the stairs and then there’s no end to it. You have to go down the stairs again. And that is depressing and very disappointing.

“This is no place for us. Because if I stay here, I have to be corrupt also, to live, to survive.”

In another time and place, Sama might have pursued her passion for the arts. She plays the piano beautifully. It’s a dream she plans to pursue far from her homeland.

As for Zeina, who has known nothing but war, she too wants to leave. Her first memory is of violence. Her defining moment of the last 10 years was a church bombing in 2010 in which her best friend was killed.

For their mother, this is the only home she has known. “I don’t want to have another home.”

But Basma wants something better for her daughters.

“In a certain time, at a certain point, it’s best for them to leave,” she says. “For study or work … for them to find out about themselves (and) be strong. They will not be strong here.”

Tragically, so many Iraqis I know echo those same sentiments. For the vast majority of them, the defining moments of the last 10 years are not of Saddam Hussein’s trial and execution, the drafting of the constitution or dipping their fingers in purple ink in the first elections.

It is the moment they last saw their loved one, gave them that last hug or kiss goodbye — not knowing it would turn out to be such a precious moment — before they were inexplicably, harshly torn away.

CNN’s Mohammed Tawfeeq and Wayne Drash contributed to this report.

Did Iraq War make Arab Spring?

U.S. Marines in northern Kuwait gear up after receiving orders to cross the Iraqi border on March 20, 2003. It has been 10 years since the American-led invasion of Iraq that toppled the regime of Saddam Hussein. Look back at moments from the war and the legacy it left behind. For more, view <a href='http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/world/iraq/index.html' target='_blank'>CNN’s complete coverage of the Iraq War anniversary.</a>” border=”0″ height=”360″ id=”articleGalleryPhoto001″ style=”margin:0 auto;” width=”640″/><cite style=U.S. Marines in northern Kuwait gear up after receiving orders to cross the Iraqi border on March 20, 2003. It has been 10 years since the American-led invasion of Iraq that toppled the regime of Saddam Hussein. Look back at moments from the war and the legacy it left behind. For more, view CNN’s complete coverage of the Iraq War anniversary.

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Did Iraq War make Arab Spring?